Filtering is an important process in housing. Homes should be filtered.
Filtering means that the specific income of new tenants in a given house is different from previous tenants. While the houses are being filtered, a neighborhood for doctors and lawyers can be built. Fifty years later, those houses will be sold to accountants and managers. Another fifty years later, they could be sold to teachers and administrators. Another fifty years later, they could be sold to receptionists and clerks. Of course, at any given moment, change is moving in a hundred different directions in a hundred different neighborhoods. But, where new housing is available, on average, downward filtering is applied in the average neighborhood in the long run.
In America, houses are not filtering. Since 2008, they have mostly filtered out. I’m not sure we’ve fully come to terms with its meaning. I think Figure 7 from my new paper in Mercatus gets to the point. The x-axis is the average filtering rate in each metro area from 1973 to 2018, as estimated by Li Liu, Douglas A. McManus, and Elias Yiannopoulos.
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Orange plots show the typical price/income ratio of homes in each metro area in 1999. In markets with negative filtering, the price/earnings ratio is between 2x and 3x. But, where filtering was positive, there was a positive correlation between filtering rates and house prices.
Filtering isn’t just about gradients. Here is a tipping point. What’s going on?
In the 20th century, filtering was usually downward. The household price/income ratio is in this 3x range in every city. And, they were about 3x more likely in the poorest and richest neighborhoods in each city.
Those who were successful were successful. Where the growth of cities led to density and moderately rising costs, families living in these cities struggled with such incomes. Where necessary, families keep costs in line by living in smaller units. Costs can be high, per square foot. And the value of different locations in these cities can vary greatly. But, families tended to make decisions on location and size that kept total costs close to that comfort zone. In some places, such as New York City, where local amenities were so dense that “housing costs” included better access to transportation, spending on housing was slightly higher, especially in lower-median-income neighborhoods, but the decline far outpaced housing costs.
As I mentioned in Part 2 of this series, it is Why? The original Case-Shiller price index was so flat for so many decades. Households make all sorts of decisions about their housing consumption that keep household values around 3x income.
So, in cities with downward filtering, changes in housing have all occurred on the original front (size, amenities and maintenance) so that regardless of how quickly they filtered, their renters have an average of 3x the income. A house in a typical neighborhood in one city might be more likely to renovate a kitchen or add a room than another. But in both cases, the homes were built and maintained in space and time typically 3-4x the renter’s income.
Where housing decisions are dominated by the question “How much would we like to improve our housing?” The answer is always to improve it so that the costs to improve it are equal to 3x the income of the house (some variation due to property tax rates etc.).
It changes when the filtering becomes positive. When filtering becomes positive, the decisions families face are compromises, not desires. Ambitions are simple. Spend what we can afford. Compromise is difficult.
Upward filtering means that when you live in an intact house in a changing neighborhood, gradually, families who move in have higher incomes than families who move away. They generally aren’t paying more for better or bigger homes. They are paying more for the land under the houses. In today’s context – and the only context that can push price/income ratios into double digits, as they are in some parts of cities – they are “bribing the land to be allowed to buy a house”.
So, as I mentioned in a previous post, where families own their own homes, neighbors note to each other that they can’t afford to buy the homes they all live in. Maybe you had this conversation at a neighborhood Christmas party. Or, they complain that property taxes and homeowner’s insurance are too high.
Where families are renters, they face rising housing costs with each lease renewal. Every year, their neighbors have higher incomes and the neighborhood rents reflect that. Of course, usually, they blame the newcomers.
We don’t grow at the drop of a hat, so rents go up year after year and eventually, compromises are needed to get costs back to normal. Do you transfer your children to a worse school? High crime neighborhood?
These are not decisions that are made lightly and without stress. And, so, there is a tipping point. Where the filtering is downward, those decisions are aspirational and comfortable, and we increase spending on accommodation to a comfortable amount. Where filtering is upward, we spend whatever we are forced to spend to avoid uncomfortable compromises. And, for hundreds of thousands of families each year, the ultimately uncomfortable trade-off is regional displacement – moving away from long-held connections to friends, family, jobs, public services and infrastructure.
The more households filter into a given city, the more decisions are forced, the more household migration accumulates. The population that remains are the families for whom homelessness will be the most painful—the families willing to pay the highest price to avoid it.
Where filtering is downward, the correlation between filtering and house prices is flat. Where houses are filtered, the correlation is positive. Families pay more to avoid difficult compromises. Under positive filtering, “we’re not as rich as we thought we were” because all that extra cost is the number of trolls under the bridge. A naive move to household wealth under these conditions is like reading a fairy tale about a troll village under a bridge as a success story, because the bridge is so valuable to the trolls.
The story of American cities before the 21st century is a story of making places valuable by building proverbial bridges. Families moved to these expensive places, and when they did they spent 3x their income. The story of American cities this century is that we stop building the proverbial bridges and trolls collect tolls on bridges that already exist. Now families are moving away from these places because they cannot afford the tools.
Economists are often making 2 systematic mistakes about this change. First, they see how expensive it has become to live in the cities where there are trolls, and they say, “Wow. If people are willing to spend that much to live there, these places must be superstars.” But, he was a superstar when he didn’t have trolls. Austin is a superstar. There are trolls in New York City.
As a nation, we Americans are not wealthy because 60-year-old, 1,500-square-foot homes in suburban Boston sell for a million dollars. We are wealthier than our housing stock. Our collective high net worth is a result of the poverty of our housing.
Second, he says, “It’s wrong to claim that Americans are worse off over time. Bridges have become too valuable. If you add up all the wealth in our cities (including the wealth of trolls), we’re richer than ever.”
The families who live in these cities, who live the experience of the benefits of the place slowly being taken from their hands into the hands of the trolls, may not understand what has happened, but they know that this claim of wealth and well-being does not seem right.
Tenants clearly feel this. But I think even homeowners feel the pressure about it. Homeowners are trolls. They may get pocket capital when they sell their overpriced houses, but in the meantime, they live with a sense that they don’t belong in the house they used to belong to.
Looking at Figure 7 from the paper, the blue plot shows the price/earnings ratio in 2022. The price/earnings ratio appears to have increased, even where filtering was negative. But, in the chart, I’m using static filtering rates, estimated over a 45-year period.
What is really happening is that the filtering rate is becoming positive everywhere. Think of the typical price/income ratio in a given city as a real-time measure of the current rate of filtering. Filtering trendlines in 1999 is a natural correlation between house prices. If price/earnings in a given city has gone from 2.5x to 4x, that city has likely gone from filtering downward in 1999 to filtering 0.4% annually to positive annual growth today. The dots are moving as they move to the right, into the positive filtering region.
Figure 8 compares the typical price/income ratio from the paper in cities with above-average filtering versus cities with below-average filtering. From 1999 to 2005, there was some cyclical upswing, but more importantly, upward filtering in cities where millions of families are forced to compromise each year and where regional migration must make hundreds of thousands of people mandatory, pushed home prices higher.
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From 1999 to 2005, a cyclical boom combined with more upward filtering was generally associated with rising prices, and particularly rising prices in cities that are growing. From 2005 to 2012, a large cyclical elimination was engineered that reduced house prices but did not fix the filtering problem. From 2012 to today, upward filtering continued to push the price/income ratio higher, but it was now pushing the price/income ratio higher in almost every city because almost every city now has upward filtering.
Families are paying higher rents under rent austerity in an effort to survive.
So, the gap between the least filtering cities and the most filtering cities grew from 1x the local income home price difference to more than 2x the local income difference, and then stayed there as housing became more expensive everywhere. Houses became more expensive everywhere because everywhere stopped growing as much as they had before.






